Back in the USSR

Aflevering 1: Back in the USSR

1. Rusland, voor de staatsgreep
Het eerste hoofdstuk vertelt de gebeurtenissen op 21 augustus 1991, de dag van de staatsgreep door de communistische conservatieven. Een historische dag voor Rusland en voor de hele wereld.

2. Na de Coup
Een terugblik op de woelige jaren '90 in Rusland. Er was dan wel meer vrijheid, maar geen brood op de plank.

3. Het land boert achteruit
Het geloof in de hervormingen van president Jeltsin verminderde snel. Zijn maatregelen om naar een vrijer economisch model over te schakelen, zorgden voor veel miserie bij de gewone mens. Jeltsin viel langzaam door de mand.

4. Poetin en Oligarchie
Vladimir Poetin volgt in 2000 Jeltsin op als president. De ex-KGB man wordt daarmee de tweede president van de Russische Federatie. VRT-journalist Johan Depoortere was erbij toen hij zijn eed aflegde.
Oligarchie: Een begrip van de oude Grieken. In Rusland kwam het in gebruik na het uiteenvallen van de Sovjet-Unie, toen een aantal zakenlui zich makkelijk verrijkte tijdens de liberalisering van de markt.

5. De tandem Poetin en Medvedev
Het blijkt ook uit de recente presidentskandidatuur van Vladimir Poetin in september 2011: Poetin en Medvedev zijn een tweespan.

6. Tsjeljabinsk
Sommige oligarchen vergaat het goed. De eigenaar van Chelpipe, een fabriek die pijpleidingen maakt in het stadje Tsjeljabinsk net onder de Oeral, is een tevreden man; èn een aanhanger van Poetin.

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Russian President delivers annual public address

This year, Russia’s economic growth will reach around four per cent, Dmitry Medvedev told the Federal Assembly during the annual public address, which traditionally outlines Russia's goals and achievements. Medvedev pointed out some other of Russia’s victories: unemployment has been reduced by two million people since the peak of the crisis, and the sovereign debt is minimal. The president underlined the country’s need for more medium and small businesses, which, he said, will provide badly-needed jobs. To secure their growth, the government has adopted a lower tax rate of 26 per cent for medium and small businesses. Attaining economic growth of 40 per cent by 2020 is quite a realistic goal for Russia, Medvedev said, and much has already been done.

“We have achieved a lot, but this is just the beginning. The resources we have should be used to modernize our economy, to create new, competitive goods and services, and millions of jobs. We need to shape the demand for innovation. I have commissioned the government to use at least half of the saved resources and additional resources to support the priorities of our modernization,” Medvedev said.

However the ultimate goal of modernization, he pointed out, is to raise the quality of life of Russia’s people, especially the younger generation. Medvedev underlined that social responsibility lies at the heart of the country’s policy. He praised Russia’s improving demographic situation: since 2005, the birth rate in Russia has grown by 21 per cent. However to keep the situation from worsening again, considerable governmental support is required, he said. This includes a wide variety of measures, from availability of better medical services for mothers and children and further development of the maternity capital program to state support for infertility treatment programs the and modernization of children’s clinics.

“26 million Russian children should be able to develop properly. They should grow up happy and they should become worthy citizens of Russia. This should become our goal number one. Taking care of the future generations is the smartest kind of investment. A society that truly protects the rights of children and respects children’s dignity is not just the kindest society, it is the best-developing society,” Medvedev said.

Medvedev preached the necessity of supporting families with children, such as tax benefits, direct financial help and better childcare facilities. ­Fred Weir of the Christian Science Monitor says it is striking how much of Medvedev’s speech was dedicated to children, youth and the demographic situation, and how long the president’s to-do list in this respect was. “He spent almost half of that address talking about children and youth, and he kept returning, even when he went into other subjects, even when he talked about international policy, he was returning to the youth theme. We can see that motif that he gave, that we should not pass on a Russia to our children that we are ashamed of. That’s his theme,” Weir said. ­The Russian leader also touched upon the problem of corruption. He said that the current penal code does not stop officials from taking bribes and the current sanctions in the form of imprisonment do not scare bribe-takers. Medvedev suggested that commercial bribery, and also the giving and taking of bribes, must be punished by fines in the amount of up to one hundred times the amount of the bribe. However political analyst Alexey Pushkov says it is not the legislation that is not sufficient to defeat corruption; it is the way this legislation is implemented. “What is most important when you fight corruption is that the laws are being not just proclaimed, but implemented,” he said. “It can be a fine, it can be jail, it can be five years, it can be 15 years. The most important thing is that people who take bribes know that they will suffer. In Russia we have enough laws to fight corruption. The problem is that the laws are not being implemented. People are covering people. Very high-placed people are covering other high-placed people, and so the system is very much corrupt. So my personal opinion is, you have to enforce the existing laws.” ­ The president also elaborated on the issue of a joint missile defense system with Europe.

“In the next decade, we have the following alternative – either we reach an agreement on missile defense and create a full-blown mechanism for co-operation; or, if we fail to have a constructive agreement, a new stage of the arms race will start and we will have to make a decision on creating new strike forces,” he said.

“What Medvedev said today is actually an invitation to continue talks, which they started at the Russia-NATO summit in Lisbon last week, because if NATO continues with its own missile shield, then inevitably Russia will need to consider other options – I do not believe in [an] arms race, but there will be again a reshaping of the confrontation of the past,” Fyodor Lukyanov, editor in chief of the magazine Russia in Global Affairs, told RT. Dmitry Babich, political analyst from the RIA Novosti news agency, says that Medvedev, in this statement, has just reiterated the idea that he expressed at the Russia-NATO summit last week. “The main problem is how Russia is going to be viewed by NATO. If it is going to be viewed as a serious partner in building that entire missile defense that would cover all of Eurasia, then there is no point for another arms race. Medvedev made it very clear just a few days ago at the Lisbon summit that he does not want the formal participation of Russia in that project. “We are not going to be part of the furniture”, as he [Medvedev] said,” Babich told RT.

However defense projects are not all there is to foreign relations, Medvedev noted. “We need to step up economic diplomacy. It should provide specific results for modernization. Our foreign policy should not be just based on missiles; it should be specific achievements that are understandable to our people, creating joint ventures in Russia, producing high-quality inexpensive goods, facilitating the visa regime. Such a pragmatic approach meets with understanding from our foreign partners.”

Anton Bespalov, a journalist from the Voice of Russia radio station, thinks that it is the economic crisis that prompts Medvedev to focus more on international relations: ties with EU, NATO and the United States. “In the past year, Russia realized the need to improve its relationship with the West – the European Union in particular,” he said. “The reason why these relations are improving is in fact the global economic crisis, which helped both sides to more realistically assess their capabilities. Russia and the European Union are probably needing each other more than ever.”

Igor Zevelev, head of the MacArthur Foundation’s Moscow office, added that partnership with Asian countries, especially with China is very important for Russia as well. “The emphasis in this part of the address was on so-called economic diplomacy. I think it will be interesting for Asian partners, particularly for China. Russia’s appeal to them is to do what they have started with Europe – namely, partnership for modernization,” he stressed.

Sergey Brilev, a journalist and TV host, points out that Medvedev’s attention to the opinions expressed by politically-motivated people on the Internet is quite wise. “Typically, 80 per cent of the letters people send to the president are about social security, medical care, central heating and that sort of thing. But there’s always this five per cent dedicated to political liberties and freedom, and President Medvedev, because he is a modern guy – let me use this definition – pays quite a lot attention to this five per cent. They do not form public opinion in this country, but they matter. They are educated people who actually think. And in any kind of political system…politically motivated, educated people do play a role,” he said.

The joint Russia-NATO ABM defense shield was proposed even earlier at the NATO summit in Lisbon, Sergey Strokan from Russia's Kommersant Publishing House noted, but the steps that would lead to such a deal have yet to be taken. The sides must agree on many practical issues such as threats and challenges, specify the roles of the parties in the future system, make a deal on financing the system – all these points are still far from consensus. The European joint ‘all-embracing security system’ could be created ‘within a period of ten years, maybe less’ believes Strokan. As for the joint Eurasian economic space, Sergey Strokan believes Russia’s relationship with powerful Asian regional blocks like ASEAN is still lagging behind, while political and economic co-operation with such regional blocks is crucial for development of Russia’s vast territories beyond the Urals.

source: RT.com

Third summit in the history of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC)

The third summit in the history of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) took place in Lisbon on 20 November 2010. At the end of this historic gathering, President Dmitri Medvedev of Russia and his counterparts from the other 28 NRC member states issued a joint statement.

In this statement, NRC leaders pledged to “work towards achieving a true strategic and modernised partnership based on the principles of reciprocal confidence, transparency, and predictability, with the aim of contributing to the creation of a common space of peace, security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area.” The NRC Heads of State and Government took a number of important decisions.

First, they endorsed the first ever Joint Review of 21st Century Common Security Challenges, outlining shared views of Russia and Allies on key security questions and ways to address them through practical cooperation.

Second, they agreed on a joint ballistic missile threat assessment and decided to resume Theatre Missile Defence Cooperation. Moreover, they tasked a development of a comprehensive Joint Analysis of the future framework for broader missile defence cooperation. This work will be assessed at the June 2011 meeting of NRC Defence Ministers.

Third, participants reconfirmed a shared determination to assist in the stabilisation of Afghanistan and the whole region. In this context, they welcomed broadened transit arrangements through Russian territory for non-lethal ISAF goods, moved to expand the counter-narcotics training and decided to task a development of an NRC Helicopter Maintenance Trust Fund in 2011.

Other issues discussed included NRC cooperation on counter-terrorism, and the fight against piracy. Summing up the NRC summit, Mr Rasmussen said:

“We have agreed, together, on which security challenges NATO nations and Russia actually face today. What’s most significant is what’s not on the list: each other. The NATO nations and Russia have, today, agreed, in writing, that while we face many security challenges, we pose no threat to each other. That, alone, draws a clear line between the past and the future of NATO-Russia relations.”

Check also: Strategic Concept and the NATO-Russia Council Joint Statement at the meeting of the NATO-Russia Council held in Lisbon on 20 November 2010

Source: NATO.int

Medvedev gebruikt veto tegen wet die vrijheid van betogen beperkt

Russische president Dmitri Medvedev heeft zijn veto gesteld tegen een nieuwe, door het parlement goedgekeurde wet die de vrijheid van betogen aan banden zou leggen. Het besluit van Medvedev is door oppositie en mensenrechtenverenigingen op applaus onthaald.

De goedkeuring van het wetsontwerp door de volksafvaardiging, waarin de pro-Kremlinpartijen een ruime meerderheid hebben, was bij de oppositie op zware kritiek gebotst. In de Doema zwaait Verenigd Rusland, de partij van premier Vladimir Poetin, de scepter.

De wet was op 22 oktober goedgekeurd door de Doema en op 27 oktober door de Federatieraad. Om in werking te treden was enkel nog de presidentiële handtekening nodig. Maar in een brief aan de voorzitters van beide kamers, Boris Gryzlov en Sergej Mironov, liet Medvedev weten dat hij 'de wet verwerpt'.

Volgens de president 'bevat de wet een aantal bepalingen die indruisen tegen door de grondwet gegarandeerde rechten zoals het recht op vergadering, op betogen, op staking'. 'Het houden van betogingen is een van de meest doeltreffende manieren om de activiteiten van de Staat en de plaatselijke overheden te beïnvloeden', aldus Medvedev.

bron: De Standaard

Medvedev gives interview for Novaya Gazeta

Last week President Medvedev gave his first exclusive interview to the controversial newspaper Novaya Gazeta (which is renowned for high-profile murders of its investigative journalists, such as Anna Politkovskaya in 2006). According to Albina Kovalyova this has to been seen as one of the most eye-catching in a series of moves that could be deemed “democratic” and are meant to give some hope to Russia’s beleaguered liberal-minded constituency.

During the interview (English translation at the webpage of President Medvedev), the president was asked about the elections in Sochi, Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s trial, and the real transparency of the government member’s earnings. But in response to all of Novaya Gazeta Chief Editor Dmitry Muratov’s provocative questions, Medvedev provided vague, generalized answers. For example, when asked whether the current Khodorkovsky trial has a foreseeable result, Medvedev replied that “for members of the government and for the president, there cannot be any predictions regarding any court case, including the one that you have mentioned.” [Для государственных служащих и для президента никакой предсказуемости в любом судебном процессе, в том числе упомянутом Вами, нет и быть не должно.] When asked about the recent disclosure of government salaries (another of his recent “democratic” initiatives), the president admitted that there was no way of checking whether what government officials and their families declared was true, but restated the importance of such public disclosure. He hopes that his could eventually turn into a “tradition” that could make the government feel more responsible. “It is the first step in the right direction,” the president said.

Medvedev did not use the word “democracy” to describe the direction he wants his country to go in, but he stressed the importance of a civil society that could play an active role in Russia. This, together with his newly-proclaimed desire to build a Russian equivalent of London’s Speakers’ Corner in Hyde Park, suggests that he is interested in implementing some democratic values.

It remains unclear whether Medvedev's interview for Novaya Gazeta was a political move for the benefit of the government or a genuine gesture of support for the paper. Perhaps a combination of the two, it certainly got the attention of his critics, who will now be watching for actions that will back up his vague gesture “in the right direction.”

Rusland - State of the union

Als antwoord op het geplande Amerikaanse anti-rakettenschild in Tsjechië en Polen, dreigt de Russische president ermee raketten te plaatsen in Kaliningrad. Kaliningrad is een kleine Russische enclave, omringd door EU-lidstaten. Op de dag na de Amerikaanse presidentsverkiezingen, heeft de Russische president Dmitry Medvedev meteen een schot voor de boeg gelost bij de nieuwe Amerikaanse president. Hij kondigde de plaatsing aan tijdens zijn eerste "state of the union". Het zou gaan om Iskander-raketten, gevanceerde raketten voor op een korte afstand. Met de plaatsing hoopt hij het geplande Amerikaanse rakettenschild te "neutraliseren". Medvedev houdt zich ook sterk dat Rusland het rakettenschild elektronisch kan verstoren. Volgens de Verenigde Staten is het rakettenschild gericht tegen bepaalde schurkenstaten en niet tegen Rusland, maar Rusland ziet dat evenwel anders. We hebben er bij onze partners al langer op aan gedrongen om samen te werken, aldus Medvedev, "maar helaas weigerden ze naar ons te luisteren".

Мы не раз говорили всем нашим партнёрам, что настроены на позитивное сотрудничество. Хотим действовать против общих угроз, хотим действовать совместно. Но нас, к сожалению, к великому сожалению, слушать не хотят.

Het is geen toeval dat de raketten in Kaliningrad zouden opgesteld worden. De Baltische enclave is Russisch grondgebied, maar heeft de NAVO- en EU-lidstaten Litouwen en Polen als buurland. De Litouwse president Valdas Adamkus heeft de aankondiging als "buiten alle begrip" bestempeld. De reactie van de internationale gemeenschap op de gebeurtenissen van 8 augustus maakte voor Medvedev nogmaals duidelijk dat we in een wereld met dubbele opvattingen leven.

мы живём в мире двойных стандартов [...] Не секрет, что многие государства ещё по инерции оглядываются на то, куда дует ветер в отношениях России и Соединённых Штатов.

Russisch president langer aan de macht? Medvedev heeft in zijn toespraak ook de wil uitgedrukt om door een grondwetswijziging de ambtstermijn van de president te verlengen van vier naar zes jaar. Dat zou kunnen betekenen dat een Russisch president twaalf jaar onafgebroken aan de macht zou kunnen blijven. De voorganger van Medvedev en huidig premier Vladimir Putin, was beperkt tot acht jaar aan het hoofd van de Russische staat. Tijdens zijn regeerperiode als president hadden veel analisten verwacht dat hij de grondwet zou wijzigen, om zo langer aan de macht te blijven.Een grondwetwijziging is er toen niet gekomen, maar velen achten Putin als de échte sterke man in Rusland. Of hij door de aangekondigde grondwetswijziging ooit zal terugkeren als president, valt nog af te wachten.

Tijdens de speech van 90 minuten had Medvedev het voornamelijk over de verdere ontwikkeling van democratie in Rusland.

Теперь вопрос не в том, быть или не быть демократии в России, как это было ещё совсем недавно, 15 лет назад. Понятно, что быть. Очевидно. С этим никто не спорит. Теперь вопрос в том, как должна развиваться дальше российская демократия.