Uzbekistan: Tashkent - Amir Temur

The first days I spent in Tashkent. The city is more than 2000 years old and has changed its name many times during the history: Chach, Shash, Binkent. All of these names can be linked to the Turkish word ¨Tash¨ (stone).

Memorial stone earthquake 1966

Memorial earthquake "Courage"

Unfortunately many of the historical monuments have been destroyed after the revolution of 1917. Only Kukeldash and Barak-Khana Madrassahs (16th century) have been preserved until today. In 1966, a destructive earthquake shook Tashkent and raised half of the city into ruins. 

When I walk on the street with my Russian friends who lived during their youth in Tashkent they tell me a lot has changed and many buildings and zones are completely new; logos, street names and advertisements are again written in Russian, etc. Yet, when I speak with Russians who have stayed after the independence they tell me all good doctors and teachers have left and they themselves are about to leave the country as well in order to offer a better education to their children.

Amir Temur 

All places I visit in Uzbekistan are either connected to the president, either to Amir Temur. Time to tell something more about the Great Amir Temur (Emir Timur).

Amir Temur Square, Tashkent

Amir Temur, also called Tamerlane (or Lame Temur) for his lame right leg, was born in 1336 in Shakhrisabz, a town near to Samarkand. He was the grandfather of Ulugh Beg, who ruled Central Asia from 1411 to 1449, and the great-great-great-grandfather of Babur, founder of the Mughal Empire, which ruled South Asia for centuries.

From his youth he appeared on the political scene as an active politician and military figure. Having become the ruler of Samarkand he built a great army and carried on many annexationist campaigns. Thus he expanded his empire that stretched from the Volga River and the Caucasian ridges in the west to India in the Southwest. But the center of the empire was in Central Asia.

Tamerlane made an outstanding contribution to the national state system, education and culture, and general development of his state. He promoted the construction of monumental historic buildings, especially in Samarkand. Some of them can be seen today. The inscription on the portal of Tamerlane's Palace Ak-Sarai in Shakhrisabz, reads "If you doubt our might, look at our buildings". The impressiveness of the architecture was aimed at the demonstration of the greatness of the empire. All possible means and every effort were exerted to construct these magnificent buildings. A vast range of building materials from neighboring regions, famous architects, suppliers, and a great number of workers were brought to work. Different specialists were taken from occupied lands.

He ruled over an empire that, in modern times, extends from southeastern Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran, through Central Asia encompassing part of Kazakhstan, Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan,Georgia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, and even approaches Kashgar in China. (a full description of his conquests can be found here).

Temur planned to conquer China and to this end, Temur made an alliance with the Mongols of the Northern Yuan Dynasty and prepared all the way to Bukhara. In December 1404, Temur started military campaigns against the Ming Dynasty and detained a Ming envoy, but he was attacked by fever and plague when encamped on the farther side of the Sihon (Syr-Daria) and died at Atrar (Otrar) on 17 February 1405, without ever reaching the Chinese border. Although he preferred to fight his battles in the spring, Temur died during an uncharacteristic winter campaign against the ruling Chinese Ming Dynasty. It was one of the bitterest winters on record.

Temur's legacy is a mixed one. While Central Asia blossomed under his reign, other places such as Baghdad, Damascus, Delhi and other Arab, Georgian, Persian and Indian cities were sacked and destroyed and their populations massacred. He was responsible for the effective destruction of the Christian Church in much of Asia. Thus, while Temur still retains a positive image in Muslim Central Asia and Persia, he is vilified by many in Arabia and India, where some of his greatest atrocities were carried out.

Amir Temur Hiyoboni  

Amir Temur Square, Tashkent

In Tashkent the central square is called after Amir Temur. It was firstly designed in 1870 by Imperial Russian architects as a central park of the new Tashkent and called Constantine Square. Since then the main monument in the center of the square was changed several times. The first was one to General Kaufmann later replaced by monument to Free Workers (1917), monument to 10th anniversary to October revolution (1927), monument to Stalin (1947) and later a monument to Karl Marx (1968). Since 1993, the monument to Amir Temur stands in the center of the square and has Amir's name.

Source: Visit Uzbekistan, Hamro Honim

Uzbekistan: Getting there

From Europe there are flights to Uzbekistan offered by Uzbekian Airways, Turkish Airlines, Czech Airlines and Aeroflot. As the flight schedule of Aeroflot suits my program the best and offers the best price, I decide to fly with Aeroflot. I flew before with Aeroflot and I have always been very pleased with the service they offer. Also this time the service was excellent. I made a stopover in Moscow (even left the airport building) and my luggage was delivered without any problems at the airport of Tashkent.

In order to leave the airport in Moscow one has to fill in a Immigration Card which these days is filled in automatically at the passport control (so not anymore at the plane) and if not more than 10000 Euro is imported, the Customs declaration doesn't has to be filled in.

In Tashkent however, the Customs Declaration still has to be filled in. I only found the Customs Declaration in Russian (though I suppose it also exists in English and/or Uzbek) but don't count on English speaking staff. 

Once passed the passport control, local people start offering their services to bring you to town by car. A ride to the town centre shouldn't cost more than 5000 SUM. It’s a good moment to start learning how to haggle and get a reasonable (tourist) price.

De Standaard: Serviërs in Kosovo gaan onafhankelijkheid uitroepen

De Servische minderheid in het noorden van Kosovo wil begin juni haar onafhankelijkheid uitroepen. De na de etnische zuiveringen van het vorige decennium nog resterende vier Servische gemeentes zullen dan een eigen parlement in het leven roepen, zo kondigde maandag de Servische leider Marko Jaksic aan in een gesprek met het Servische agentschap Beta.
De uiteindelijke bedoeling is dat het afgescheiden Servische gedeelte in Noord-Kosovo zich als autonome provincie aansluit bij het aanpalende “vaderland” Servië.
De geplande verklaring is volgens Jaksic het antwoord van de Serviërs in Kosovo op het door de EU bereikte akkoord tussen Belgrado en Pristina over “normalisering” van de betrekkingen tussen Servië en de vooral door etnische Albanezen bewoonde, voormalige autonome Servische provincie Kosovo. Een akkoord over de “kwestie-Kosovo” geldt als een conditio sine qua non voor eventuele Servische toetreding tot de EU. Nochtans wordt de onafhankelijkheid van Kosovo niet door alle 27 EU-landen erkend. Spanje, bijvoorbeeld, is als de dood voor een precedent dat Baskische of Catalaanse afscheiding mogelijk maakt.
In het al dan niet steunen van separatistische tendensen in ex-Joegoslavië worden telkens twee principes tegen elkaar uitgespeeld: de “territoriale integriteit” en het “recht op zelfbeschikking”. Zo wordt het eerste principe gehanteerd op de Republika Srpska binnen Bosnië en Herzegovina te houden en Kosovska Mitrovica binnen Kosovo, terwijl het tweede principe werd aangehaald voor de afscheiding van, onder andere, Kosovo en Montenegro.

Bron: De Standaard

El País: Kosovo cava la última trinchera de los Balcanes

La guerra de Kosovo terminó hace 14 años ya, pero en el puente sobre el río Ibar en el centro de Mitrovica todavía se yergue una barricada, cargada de grava, piedras y rencor.

El tiempo y la lluvia han logrado incluso que en algunos puntos brote algo de vegetación sobre ella, pero no ablandar la desconfianza de la que es símbolo. La barricada parte en dos la ciudad y todo Kosovo, y causa migrañas en varias cancillerías europeas. Al sur, domina la población albanesa, más del 90% del total del Estado balcánico que declaró su independencia en 2008. Al norte, resisten unos 60.000 serbios enrocados en un territorio autogestionado por las conocidas como “instituciones paralelas”, financiadas por Belgrado. Aquí, el Estado kosovar no llega. La comunidad internacional tampoco es bienvenida. Y Serbia, en grave crisis económica, hace lo que puede.

Alcanzada la orilla norte del Ibar, una profusión de banderas serbias acoge al visitante, entre diminutas y por lo general escuálidas tiendas con precios en dinares, calles destartaladas, viejos inmuebles y pintadas nacionalistas con escaso sentido del humor. Pero estos días el habitual orgullo patriótico serbio ha quedado ensombrecido. “Belgrado nos ha traicionado. Nos ha sacrificado a cambio de obtener luz verde para el proceso de adhesión a la Unión Europea”, lamenta Bojan Vasic, de 29 años.

Vasic no es ningún energúmeno radical. Es un joven cultivado, licenciado en Ciencias Políticas y especializado en Reino Unido y Estados Unidos. La “traición” de la que habla es el sentimiento de todos los serbios del norte de Kosovo. Se repite en cada conversación, y se refiere al acuerdo sellado entre Serbia y Kosovo el pasado abril. Con el pacto, Belgrado reconoce la autoridad de Pristina sobre todo el territorio kosovar —sin llegar a reconocer a Kosovo como Estado— y promete desmantelar sus “instituciones paralelas” a cambio de un alto grado de autonomía para las zonas de mayoría serbia. El acuerdo era una condición impuesta por Bruselas para autorizar el proceso de adhesión de Serbia, algo que Belgrado necesita desesperadamente en un momento de honda crisis económica.

Pero, si los serbios que viven al sur del Ibar —inmersos en medio de una aplastante mayoría albanesa— optan por un resignado y pragmático apoyo al proceso, Mitrovica no cede. Por nacionalismo, por cercanía geográfica y porque, según Vasic, más del 80% de la renta en la empobrecida zona son transferencias de Belgrado.

“Sin la ayuda de Serbia, tendremos que irnos de Kosovo”, dice Sinisa Radovic, de 35 años, que trabaja en una tienda de regalos y está seguro de que, una vez sellado el acuerdo, Pristina invertirá en el norte mucho menos que Belgrado. “El concepto es claro. Si nos fuerzan a ser albaneses y nos quitan la ayuda, tendremos que irnos. Somos como un diente que duele. Al final, mejor quitarlo”, dice, amargo.

Pero ellos intentan resistir. En la tienda de Radovic, ButikSasha, una postal representa a Mitrovica (junto con Serbia) como una especie de aldea de Astérix en la que aún se resiste a la “invasión estadounidense”. Los lugareños se aferran a sus símbolos. Aquí, Kosovo no puede entrar ni en forma de matrícula de coche. Así que algunos vehículos circulan con matrícula serbia; otros, directamente, sin placas. Cuando tienen que cruzar el Ibar hacia el sur, por un puente despejado que se encuentra a unos cientos de metros del principal, los conductores descienden del coche, montan la matrícula kosovar, y se aventuran. A la vuelta, en el mismo sitio, la desmontan.

Toda la zona tiene cierto aire a Lejano Oeste. En su despacho en Pristina, Berndt Borchardt —jefe de Eulex, la misión de la UE que impulsa el Estado de derecho en Kosovo— admite, con un diplomático eufemismo, que “no hay una eficaz acción de policía y de justicia penal en el norte”. De facto, la policía no actúa aquí, y los tribunales penales “paralelos” tampoco, porque no pueden ejecutar sentencias. Crimen y contrabando florecen, con una irónica excelente colaboración entre bandas serbias y albanesas, según confirma Borchardt.

A media altura en la colina a la que Mitrovica parece agarrarse como para no caer en la llanura albanesa, se yergue el centro local de salud. Zlatan Elek, de 43 años, cirujano de pediatría y vicedirector del centro, habla claro. “Aquí, todo viene de Belgrado. Sueldos, material. Tememos lo que pasará si terminamos bajo el control de las autoridades albanokosovares. Estamos por la paz, pero no a precio de tener que irnos”, dice, en su despacho. El centro es vetusto, pero es sin duda mejor que la gran mayoría de los centros al sur del Ibar.

Belgrado necesita desbloquear la resistencia de los serbios del norte de Kosovo para convencer a Bruselas y lleva semanas despachando a la aldea de Astérix a sus altos cargos. Tiene medios de presión, gracias a los fondos que entrega. Pero Mitrovica también tiene armas. “Todos los partidos hemos pactado boicotear las elecciones para las instituciones que el acuerdo pretende crear”, dice Nemanja Jaicsic, de 28 años, miembro local de un partido radical. Si no votan, impedirán la puesta en marcha de los nuevos Ayuntamientos en el norte, lo que supondría un serio problema para el proceso de normalización. “Igual ya no podemos ser parte de Serbia. Pero, si a los albaneses les han dado un Estado, ¿por qué a nosotros no?”, pregunta.

En su estupenda historia de Kosovo, Noel Malcolm ofrece una respuesta: porque la terrible limpieza étnica que las fuerzas serbias aplicaron a finales de los noventa aquí no puede tener como recompensa un pedazo de tierra desgajado por motivos étnicos.

Los Balcanes parecen avanzar hacia mejores relaciones. El presidente serbio, Tomislav Nikolic, pese a su pasado radical, ha cumplido varios gestos, como pedir perdón por la masacre de Srebrenica. Mitrovica es un obstáculo en esa senda.

La barricada sigue ahí. Pero, en sus extremos, un observador que permanezca un buen rato comprobará que se produce un esporádico tránsito de peatones en ambas direcciones. En los últimos meses no ha habido aquí episodios de violencia étnica. Quizá el tiempo llegue a ablandar las asperezas. Quizá no, como a menudo ha pasado en los Balcanes. Por ello es importante la integración de la región en la UE.

Al otro lado del río, los albaneses —en cuya sociedad el islam no juega un papel prominente— erigen una gran mezquita que parece erguirse como advertencia.

Fuente: El País

Uzbekistan: country profile

The republic of Uzbekistan is the only double landlocked country in Central Asia and one of only two such countries worldwide. It shares borders with Kazakhstan to the west and to the north, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to the east, and Afghanistan and Turkmenistan to the south. Before 1991, it was part of the Soviet Union. Most of Uzbekistan territory of 447,400 square kilometres lies between the two major rivers of Central Asia, the Syr Darya (Jaxartes) and the Amu Darya (Oxus). The highest point in Uzbekistan is the Khazret Sultan (4643 m), in the southern part of the Gissar Range in Surkhandarya Province, on the border with Tajikistan, just northwest of Dushanbe.

Grotere kaart weergeven

Once part of the Persian Samanid and later Timurid empires, the region was conquered in the early 16th century by nomads who spoke an Eastern Turkic language. Most of Uzbekistan’s population today belong to the Uzbek ethnic group and speak the Uzbek language. Uzbekistan was incorporated into the Russian Empire in the 19th century, and in 1924 became a constituent republic of the Soviet Union, known as the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (Uzbek SSR). It became independent on 31 August 1991.

The country is one of the world's biggest producers of cotton and is rich in natural resources, including oil, gas and gold. However, economic reform has been slow and poverty and unemployment are widespread.

Following the 11 September attacks on the US, Uzbekistan won favour with Washington by allowing its forces a base in Uzbekistan, affording ready access across the Afghan border.

Human rights groups accused the international community of ignoring the many reported cases of abuse and torture.

Climate

The climate of Uzbekistan is extremely continental with a great number of sunny days. The average monthly temperature in January ranges from -10°C to 3°C. Summers are hot and dry (35°C-45°C) with the so called Chillya, from 25 June until 5 August, the hotest period.

Uzbekistan currency

All payments are made in 'Sum', the national currency of the Republic of Uzbekistan.

1 EUR = 2698 SUM

9 May: Victory Day in Russia

Yesterday the Centro Ruso de Ciencia y Cultura in Madrid opened a photo exhibition, dedicated to the 68^th anniversary of the Victory Day in Russia, which will take place until 14 May. Victory Day marks Germany’s surrender to the Soviet Union in 1945. It became the end of the Great Patriotic War for the USSR, which lost about 25 million citizens in the four years of fighting.

Many people attend a local military parade and watch the fireworks at night on Victory Day. The biggest parade is in Moscow’s Red Square, showcasing Russia’s military forces. Most veterans wear their medals as they head to the parade or an event organized by a local veteran organization.

Another tradition is to give flowers, usually red carnations, to veterans in the street and to lay wreaths at the war memorial sites. Neighborhood schools may host a program prepared by the students, featuring wartime songs and poetry.

At home, families gather around a festive table to honor surviving witnesses of World War II and remember those who passed away. They may also watch a favorite Soviet film based on the events of World War II, which is also known as the Great Patriotic War.

Fuente: Russia Today

More information: Itar-Tass, Fine weather adds Victory Day sparkle to Moscow’s Red Square Parade | euronews, world news